Hace unos días nos llegó la noticia de la detención de unas cuarenta personas en Etiopía acusadas de participar en un complot para dar un golpe de Estado. Quizás lo leíste entonces en la barra de noticias de Google, en la columna de la izquierda de este blog. Se acusaba de estar detrás de la operación a Berhanu Nega, un líder de la oposición que fue elegido en el 2005 para ser el alcalde de Addis Abeba y que, después de un tiempo en la cárcel, se marchó a Estados Unidos. Berhanu niega estar detrás del supuesto complot, por más que haya proclamado hace algún tiempo que estaban dispuestos a utilizar todos los medios para acabar con el gobierno de Meles Zenawy.
Como pasa siempre con este tipo de noticias, los datos son confusos. No se conoce la identidad de los detenidos ni se sabe dónde están. Amnistía Intrernacional los califica de presos políticos y pide al Gobierno que aclare su situación. Nosotros para saber algo más le preguntamos a un amigo nuestro que vive en Addis Abeba y esto es lo que nos respondió:
"Perdona en no responderte a tiempo. Estuve de viaje de trabajo fuera de Addis.
Es cierto la noticia que has leído. Se han denido varias persona por presunto complot para dar un golpe de Estado.
Mucha gente cree que es una "película montada" como siempre para buscar excusa falsa a la oposición y así meterlos a la carcel. Pero de momento no hay intranquilidad aquí en absoluto. Mucha gente no se lo ha tomado que sea en serio.
Uno de los dirigentes de la oposición que vive ne Londres dijo por una radio de EEUU que uno de los detenidos es su padre de 80 años y muy enfermo desde hace varios años, que nunca estuvo en política. Y cree que han detenido a su padre para obligarle a él que deje la politica de oposición. De todas formas todavía no sabemos la lista de los detenidos.
Un abrazo. "
Con Birtukan Mideska, fundadora de la Unidad para la Democracia y la Justicia (Andenet), encarcelada y en huelga de hambre, y los seguidores de Berhanu Nega, fundador de la coalición Gimbot 7, acusados de conspirar para dar un golpe de Estado, queda prácticamente desactivada la oposición (ya dividida y debilitada) que podría optar a arrebatar el poder al partido de Meles Zenawy en las elecciones del próximo año. Mientras, el primer ministro ha seguido fortaleciendo su imagen, dentro y fuera del país. El camino se despeja y la mayoría de la población, que en el 2005 estaba ilusionada con la posibilidad de un cambio, parece ahora convencida (tal vez resignada) de que las cosas van a seguir igual
3 comentarios:
No tengo ni idea de política, pero creo que lo que está haciendo Meles Zenawi en Etiopía no tiene nombre,o sí: ¿dictadura encubierta?. Tiene el apoyo tigriña, que si no me equivoco es la población más fuerte y favorecida del país, y parece difícil un cambio, menos aún si toman esas medidas con la oposición.
Gracias por tenernos al dia y gracias también a vuestro amigo. Ojalá todo se resuelva a favor del pueblo etíope.
Indemin walk
Yo creo que estan haciendo una limpieza de la oposicion de cara a las elecciones del año que viene.
Los tigriñas son muy pocos en comparacion con el resto, pero estan favorecidos por el gobierno -que es tigriña- hasta extremos inauditos, es ese favoritismo el que a hecho a muchos de ellos rapidamente ricos cuando antes no tenian nada... Una tigriña puede entrar de mujer de limpieza en un banco y acabar de cajera, y encima le pagan los estudios ( ejemplo real) .
En cambio un/a amhara u oromo/a ( por poner un ej de etnias mayoritarias) lo tiene muy dificil para lograr un empleo digno, con mayor preparación.
Sinceramente creo que algun dia explotara todo esto, porque no se puede mantener.
Saludos
Victoria
Potential For Violence Shadows Ethiopia's 2010 Election
05/07/09
By Peter Heinlein
VOA
Addis Ababa
06 May 2009
Ethiopia's next national election is a year away, but tensions are already increasing. At least two opposition politicians have recently been jailed, both possibly facing life in prison, and security forces have arrested dozens of others, accusing them of plotting against the government. Both government and opposition leaders are expressing concern about the potential for election-related violence.
No Ethiopian needs reminding about the horrors that followed the disputed 2005 election. Nearly 200 protesters killed in the streets by security forces, more than 100 opposition leaders, arrested, convicted of treason and sentenced to life in prison before being pardoned.
When government spokesman Bereket Simon kicked off the 2010 election season, he said a top priority of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Party would be preventing violence. "This election must be peaceful. Government must do whatever it takes to ensure that our election will be peaceful," he said.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi warned that government forces would have little tolerance for street protests. "The 2005 experience was experience enough for anybody to be able to learn from, and so I'm sure our law enforcement entities will be much better prepared for any eventuality than they were in 2005, not only in terms of handling riots, but also in terms of deterring and preventing riots," he said.
Opposition activists are equally concerned. It was their supporters that were killed in the streets four years ago. Many fear 2010 could be as bad or worse than 2005.
Already, several government opponents have been jailed. Among them, Birtukan Mideksa, a charismatic young former judge who was among those sentenced to life and then pardoned after the 2005 election.
Birtukan had been touted to be a potent force in the 2010 vote. But she was re-arrested and ordered to serve out her sentence after saying she had not asked for the pardon.
Another prominent member of Birtukan's party, Melaku Teferra, was among 40 people accused last month of involvement in a coup plot directed by Berhanu Nega, who was elected mayor of Addis Ababa in 2005.
Berhanu and Melaku were also among those jailed for life after the last election. Melaku stayed in Ethiopia after being freed. Berhanu fled to the United States, where he teaches economics at a Pennsylvania university and heads a political group that advocates the overthrow of the Meles Zenawi government.
Merera Gudina is another political science professor who doubles as an opposition leader. Merera teaches at Addis Ababa University. His party is among eight opposition groups banding together in hopes of mounting a serious challenge to the ruling EPRDF.
Merera worries, however, that next year's vote may turn into a replay of last year's local and bi-elections, in which the EPRDF and its affiliates won all but three out of nearly 3.6 million seats being contested. Most opposition parties pulled out of the contest in advance, complaining the rules were written so only pro-government parties could win.
Merera says given that the EPRDF now controls all local administrations, this election will be a struggle to prevent Ethiopia from becoming a one-party state.
"Our role is… to make sure this government cannot rule without accepting the rules of multi-party democracy. We are in a struggle. This government is not ready for change, and this government is cheating left and right and its ultimate agenda is revolutionary democracy. We know all these things, and in fact people who were with (Prime Minister) Meles, who used to play those games and clearly know these games, are now with us," he said.
Seeye Abraha Hagos is a former member of Prime Minister Meles's inner circle. He was military commander of the guerrilla force that brought the Meles government to power. After a falling out with the government, he was convicted of corruption and spent several years in prison. But he is still popular among his former military colleagues
Seeye is now a member of the coalition of opposition groups know as the forum. He says the only ways of breaking Ethiopia's long tradition of violence-plagued elections is to ensure opposition parties and their supporters know change is possible through the ballot box.
"There is always violent opposition in Ethiopia. Even if you take out the 2005 elections, there was violent opposition in this country. So if we are ever going to control violence in this country, the only way out is to chart a peaceful political transition. No peaceful elections, no peaceful political transfer of power would mean there will be continuous violence in this country, and this can take this country down the drain given our poverty," he said.
A year before the May, 2010 election, Ethiopia displays all the outward signs of calm. Despite grinding poverty, frequent power cuts, and a severe foreign exchange shortage that has seen imported goods disappear from stores, there is little evidence of the country's violent past.
But opposition leaders and political analysts caution that the outward appearance masks a deep-seated longing among Ethiopians for freedom of political expression. Former defense minister Seeye Abraha likens the country to a dormant volcano. It might look calm, but even a small disturbance could set it off.
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